“Everyone is asking the same question: who will be next?”

Turkish activist explains the violence used against the Kurdish minority in Turkey

epa05617507 Plainclothed Turkish police hold the mouth shut of former Kurdish parliamentarian Sebahat Tuncel (C) as they arrest her during a anti-government protest in Diyarbakir, Turkey, 04 November 2016. Co-leaders of the pro-Kurdish and pro-minority political party Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) Figen Yuksekdag and Selahattin Demirtas were detained, along with at least nine other members of parliament (MPs), as part of a counter-terrorism investigation following a police raid in the HDP party headquarters. The HDP is accused by the Turkish government to have links with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) militant group, an accusation HDP strongly denies EPA/STR

Turkey continues to intensify the historic repression against Kurds who live in the country. The government has used the end of the peace process in July 2015and the failed coup attempt in June 2016 to step up repressive measures, such as the closure of NGOs and media and the arbitrary detention of anyone critical of the regime.

Kurdish majority regions have been particularly affected by the State of Emergency declared in July 2016. More than 37 Kurdish co-mayors have been detained since November 17. According to a statement published on November 12 by Repak (Kurdish Women’s Relation Office), 370 organizations and associations have been shut down by decree, of which 199 have been accused of affiliation with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party).

After completing his mission to the country, on November 18, the UN special rapporteur on freedom of expression, David Kaye, said that the Turkish government “is imposing draconian measures that limit freedom of expression” and that “the press, individuals, artists, opposition voices and many others face unprecedented pressure, from censorship to outright detention”.

In this interview, the Turkish lawyer and human rights defender Nurcan Kaya, one of the participants of the 2013 Gezi Park protests , in Istanbul, analyzes the human rights situation in the country and comments on the use of anti-terrorism legislation to persecute opponents of the regime – such as the Kurdish feminist activist Ayla Akat and the co-mayors of the Kurdish city of Diyarbakir, the epicenter of the new wave of violence.

According to Kaya, “the government doesn’t want to find a peaceful solution to the Kurdish situation right now” and a question hangs over the population: “who will be next?”

1. How many Kurdish co-mayors have been arrested over the past few months? Why are the Turkish security forces targeting these co-mayors?

The pro-Kurdish Democratic Regions Party (DBP) won 106 municipalities, including metropolitan, provincial and district municipalities, in the 2014 local elections. Since November 17, 37 co-mayors from 27 municipalities have been imprisoned. Four of them are vice-mayors. Since August 2015, however, 16 co-mayors from 14 municipalities have been arrested and later released. Also, 24 co-mayors from 19 municipalities have been released after being detained. Therefore, the number of co-mayors that have been arrested or detained even for a short period of time is even larger.

Furthermore, since September 2016, trustees have been appointed for 34 municipalities, which means the elected mayors are not able to govern. Trustees are appointed by the government and, therefore, they are not elected by citizens/voters.

To answer the second question, more importantly than the security forces, it is mainly the government and the Judiciary that are targeting these co-mayors. Some of them are removed from office through the appointment of trustees (administrative decisions) and others are arrested (judicial decisions). They are, in general, charged under the anti-terrorism law, even though there is no legally binding decision to back up these administrative or judicial measures.

Currently, co-leaders of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) and eight other members of the parliament are also in prison. This party won more than six million votes in June 2015 elections (won more than five million votes in November 2015 elections) and it is practically banned from conducting political activities. I believe that this is happening because the government does not want a peaceful solution to the armed conflict in Turkey. And, moreover, there is less and less tolerance for any political or civil society movement that is critical of the government.

2. Do you associate this new wave of violence to July’s attempted coup or to the end of the peace process?

I don’t think the pressure on pro-Kurdish politicians is related to the attempted coup. But the attempted coup is being used as an excuse by the government to prolong the State of Emergency, restrict numerous human rights and punish any person or organization that criticizes the government. It is partially associated with the end of the peace process. Pro-Kurdish parties could have played a significant role in these negotiations. However, the government doesn’t want to find a peaceful solution to the Kurdish situation right now.

3. Ayla Akat, a lawyer, activist and former member of the Turkish Parliament, was arrested last week, just like many other Kurdish activists. What charges are the government using to make these arrests? What can civil society and other countries do to halt these cases and release the political prisoners?

Ayla Akat was arrested at a demonstration that was organized to protest the detention of co-mayors from the metropolitan municipality of Diyarbakir. She has been charged with leading a terrorist organization.

I think civil society organizations from other countries can conduct activities to raise the awareness of their communities about what is happening in Turkey. This awareness could, hopefully, result in their governments being convinced to put pressure on the Turkish government. Many States and intergovernmental organizations could place political, legal and economic sanctions on Turkey.

NGOs from around the world could organize conferences, invite people from Turkey, when necessary, to speak about the situation. They can interview people remotely, disseminate news and organize events in solidarity. Hearing voices from other countries is comforting too. We need solidarity. It’s always motivating to know that people somewhere are working to support us.

4. Is the government using the international anti-terrorism agenda to persecute the opposition in Turkey? What is the responsibility of global actors (public and private) in this process?

Yes, I believe the government is using the international anti-terrorism agenda and also the current conflict with the PKK [Kurdistan Workers’ Party] to persecute the opposition. The world has become more sensitive to terrorism, particularly since 9/11. In many places human rights have been restricted on the grounds of combating terrorism. What’s more, because of the attacks by the Islamic State against some European States recently, many countries are on alert. The Turkish government is trying to take advantage of this sensitivity to justify major human rights violations on the grounds of combating terrorism – and it hopes that the international community will approve these practices. In fact, lately it hasn’t cared much what the international community thinks.

5. We have also been following the repression of independent media outlets. Do you have an estimate of how many TV and radio stations and newspapers have been arbitrarily shut down over the past few months? And what is the impact of this repression on the rights of minorities?

Since July 15, nearly 170 newspapers and TV and radio stations have been shut down. Some of these outlets were pro-Kurdish, reporting in the Kurdish language, or they were run by Alevis [a religious minority]. They even shut down a TV channel that broadcasts cartoons in Kurdish. Minorities now have fewer opportunities to express themselves about their rights.

6. Have other minorities also been targeted, such as Armenians?

So far the most pressure has been exerted on the Kurds and on some pro-Alevi media outlets. The organizations or media outlets of other minorities have not been directly affected. However, recent developments and the current climate are extremely intimidating for them and could cause some level of censorship. Everyone in Turkey, including minorities, is asking the same question: “who will be next?”